Path: Table of Contents > Essay on Party Politics > Party 371
Peruvian Christian Democratic Party, 372
Variables and Codes for 1950-1962
For the concepts and variables below, use these links to Political Parties: A Cross-National Survey:
Governmental Status
Issue Orientation
Goal Orientation
Organizational Complexity
Organizational Power
Organizational Coherence
Membership Involvement
The "ac" code is for "adequacy-confidence"--a data quality measure ranging from 0 (low) to 9 (high)
Party name and code number
Peruvian Christian Democratic Party, 372
Partido Democrata Christiano, PDC

Institutionalization Variables
, 1.01-1.06
1.01 Year of Origin and 1.02 Name Changes
1955, AC9
0, AC9
The PDC was one of several parties created after General Odria, Peru's dictator, surprisingly announced his intention to hold elections in 1956 and obey the constitutional limit of a one-term, six-year presidency. The Christian Democratic Movement was formally organized in the City of Arequipa on September 27, 1955, by students and followers of the exiled Ex-President Bustamante. Hector Cornejo Chavez and Mario Polar Ugarteche were the party's chief founders. The party's name did not change during our time period.
1.03 Organizational Discontinuity
0, AC9
The PDC, although entering coalitions and experiencing internal factionalism, did not experience either a split or a merger during our time period. The radical-conservative division within the party did result in a split in 1967, after our period of study.
1.04 Leadership Competition
12, AC5
Hector Cornejo Chavez became leader of the PDC upon its founding in 1955. After the PDC and its presidential candidate, the radical Cornejo, were soundly defeated in the 1962 elections, Javier Correa y Elias became leader of the party. Correa, a leading PDC conservative, was probably elected by the party convention in the same manner that Cornejo defeated him in 1965.
1.05 Legislative Instability
Instability is .89, AC5
The party's legislative representation remained generally at 7 or 8 percent with the exception of 1962, when the party faltered in the election and appears to have won only 3 percent of the seats. This election was annulled, however, and the party returned to 7 percent of the seats in 1963.
1.06 Electoral Instability
Instability is 1.67, AC4
The PDC fielded a candidate of its own in only one of the four elections during our time period. In 1962, the Christian Democrat Cornejo received only three percent of the vote . The high instability score for the party is due to its failure to offer its own candidate in the elections of 1956 and 1963, and its non-existence for the election of 1950.

Governmental Status Variables, 2.01-2.07
2.01 Government Discrimination
0 for 1956-63, AC5
The Prado regime apparently did not discriminate against the PDC, despite the party's boistrous opposition and criticism. The temporary limitation on party gatherings in 1958 applied to all parties, although the PDC was most noticeably in protest. The AP-PDC Government of Belaunde apparently did not discriminate either for or against the PDC.
2.02 Governmental Leadership
0 out of 8 for 1956-63, AC9
General Odria was Peru's president from 1948 to 1956. President Prado of the MDP reigned from 1956 to 1962. Belaunde terry of the AP became president in 1963, after a temporary military dictatorship. The PDC supported Belaunde as the junior partner in the 1963 AP-PDC Coalition.
2.03 Cabinet Participation
1 out of 8 for 1956-63, AC9
The PDC received cabinet posts in 1963 under president Belaunde. Belaunde's Accion Popular and the PDC entered into coalition prior to the 1963 elections, which Belaunde won. The coalition was governmental as well as parliamentary and electoral.
2.04 National Participation
5 for 1956-63, AC5
Although the PDC is most successful in southern Peru and the City of Arequipa, the party competes nationally. A 1968 survey shows that the party's support deviates from the population distribution by an average of 6.6 percentage points when calculated over these regions--eastern jungles, coast, highlands, and Lima.
2.05 LegislativeStrength
Strength is .07 for 1956-63, AC5
The party's legislative representation remained generally at 7 or 8 percent with the exception of 1962, when the party faltered in the election and appears to have won only 3 percent of the seats. This election was annulled, however, and the party returned to 7 percent of the seats in 1963.
2.06 Electoral Strength
Strength is .03 for 1956-63, AC6
The PDC fielded a candidate of its own in only one of the four elections during our time period. In 1962, the Christian Democrat Cornejo received only three percent of the vote . The high instability score for the party is due to its failure to offer its own candidate in the elections of 1956 and 1963, and its non-existence for the election of 1950.
2.07 Outside Origin
6, AC5
The PDC was founded in 1955 by prominent citizens, among whom were students, prominent Catholic laymen, and former supporters of Bustamente. Mario polar and Cornejo, a professor of law, were leaders of the early organization.

Issue Orientation Variables, 5.01-5.15
5.01 Ownership of Means of Production
1, AC5
The PDC seems to have generally favored limited government ownership and increased government regulation. Vague references to the party's issue orientation depict the PDC as desiring moderate reforms. In 1962, PDC leader and presidential candidate Cornejo, in an attempt to alter his radical image, stated a desire for foreign investments.
5.02 Government Role in Economic Planning
1, AC4
Although information is vague and incomplete, it appears that the PDC favored an increased government role in the economy. The party probably desired tax reform. As a "moderate" party in the area of economic planning, the PDC advocated measures which seem to have appeared "radical" to those favoring the free enterprise policies of the Prado-Beltran years.
5.03 Redistribution of Wealth
3, AC5
The PDC apparently desired a moderate redistribution of wealth. The party advocated limited socialization of land, and probably favored tax reform. Although the PDC was known to be concerned about the poor Indian population, the party rarely made this concern public as did APRA and the AP. The PDC supported Belaunde's plans to uplift the Indian population.
5.04 Social Welfare
The PDC advocated "social justice" in accordance with the Papal Encyclicals. While probably in favor of government provision of social welfare , the party cannot be coded for this variable due to insufficient information.
5.05 Secularization of Society
The church and state were separated constitutionally in Peru. Although most Peruvian parties were probably favorably disposed towards the Catholic Church, no information concerning party policy towards secularization is evident. The PDC was not supported by the Catholic Church.
5.06 Support of the Military
No information
5.07 Alignment with East-West Blocs
5, AC5
The PDC has denounced communism when accused of Communist ties. Cornejo professed a belief in democracy and criticized the Cuban Government. He also stated the desire for United States investment. The PDC apparently favors acceptance of US aid and continued membership in the OAS.
5.08 Anti-Colonialism
1, AC5
The PDC seems to accept foreign investments. This policy was espoused by the party leader, Cornejo, while he was a presidential candidate.
5.09 Supranational Integration
No information
5.10 National Integration
The PDC advocates the strengthening of local government. The degree of this strength is unknown.
5.11 Electoral Participation
5, AC5
There is no information in the file concerning the PDC's position on this variable, but our consultant reports that a 1967 survey of party leaders showed the PDC leaders alone in favor of extending the franchise.
5.12 Protection of Civil rights
The PDC favors "social justice" in accordance with the Encyclicals of Pope John XXIII. Party concern for the Indian poor suggests that it might advocate government protection of civil rights, but information is insufficient for coding purposes.
5.13 Interference with Civil Liberties
No information
5.14 / 5.15 US--Soviet Experts Left-Right Ratings
US says 2, center
Soviets say 2, the party represents the interests of the national bourgeoisie and minor landowners. It has influence among the intelligentsia, a sector of students, and some groups of the peasantry.

Goal Orientation Variables, 6.01-6.55
6.00 Open Competition in the Electoral Process
4, AC5
The PDC participated in the elections of 1956, 1962, and 1963. Although the party has been accused of subversive activities, the PDC appears to have relied solely on the strategy of open competition in the electoral process.
6.10 Restricting Party Competition
0, AC5
The PDC did not attempt to restrict party competition. The PDC relied upon the strategy of open competition.
6.20 Subverting the Political System
0, AC5
In 1958, the PDC planned and executed an anti-government "march of silence" which, when attacked by police units, developed into a riot. The party cannot be faulted in its attempt to conduct a peaceful demonstration, nor can government accusations of PDC participation in subversive activities be substantiated. In 1956, the party opposed demonstrations against the Odria regime. The PDC relies upon the strategy of open competition.
6.30 Propagandizing Ideas and Program
6.31--2, AC6. The PDC published two small, non-daily newspapers ("The Actuality" and the "Democracy").
6.32--0, AC3. There is no evidence of PDC party schools.
6.33--2, AC3. The PDC probably passed resolutions and platforms frequently. The national convention did so as it met approximately once yearly.
6.34--2, AC3. The PDC apparently published position papers fairly frequently, such as in the party newspapers.
6.50 Providing for Welfare of Party Members
No information

Autonomy Variables, 7.01-7.05
7.01 Sources of Funds
No evidence is available concerning party sources of funds. The PDC did not receive substantial contributions from the catholic church.
7.02 Source of Members
6 (sectors 03, 06), AC3
Little information regarding party membership exists. Membership is probably direct with no requirements. The PDC is noted for its intellectual following. Party ranks include many prominent Catholic lay.
7.03 Sources of Leaders
1 (sector 03), AC3
The PDC is apparently led by Catholic educators and professionals. Cornejo, party leader 1955-62, was a professor of law.
7.04 Relations with Domestic Parties
7, AC9
The PDC did not sacrifice its autonomy under the leadership of Cornejo , a leading party "radical." After Cornejo's defeat in the 1962 presidential elections, party conservatives, led by Correa, assumed PDC leadership and entered into coalition with the AP. The PDC was a junior member of this electoral, parliamentary, and governmental coalition. However, this pact was not negotiated until the final year of our time period. Therefore, the PDC is considered autonomous during the last half of our period of study, which is the dominant code. There is some evidence of PDC cooperation with Peruvian communists, but the nature of this alleged alliance is unknown.
7.05 Relations with Foreign Organizations
3, AC8
As early as 1953, the PDC apparenly participated in the international meetings of Christian Democratic Parties. The party organized the Fifth International Congress of Christian Democratic Parties, held in Lima, in 1966.

Organizational Complexity Variables, 8.01-8.07
8.01 Structural Articulation
2, AC3
Information regarding party organization is incomplete. The party is said to be highly organized, but only one organ, the national assembly, can be definitely identified. Selection procedures are indeterminate.
8.02 Intensiveness of Organization
No information
8.03 Extensiveness of Organization
Information is insufficient for purposes of coding. The party is supposedly highly organized. It competes nationally, but is most successful in southern Peru.
8.04 Frequency of Local Meetings
No information
8.05 Frequency of National Meetings
The National Convention of the PDC apparently convened once each year. There is no information concerning a Party National Committee.
8.06 Maintaining Records
While the PDC may have expended some energies in publishing party propaganda, there is no information concerning membership lists or a party archive.
8.07 Pervasiveness of Organization
0, AC3
Peru's socioeconomic organizations appear to have been autonomous of the PDC. The independent student front included several PDC activists, but PDC control was nill. PDC student activists were rarely successful in student politics.

Organizational Power Variables, 9.01-9.08
9.01 Nationalization of Structure
No information
9.02 Selecting the National Leader
3, AC3
A reference to the 1965 election of Cornejo over incumbent party leader Correa leads us to suspect that this procedure was utilized in choosing the PDC leader at previous conventions.
9.03 Selecting Parliamentary Candidates
No information
9.04 Allocating Funds
No information
9.05 Formulating Policy
While PDC policy is most often announced by the party leader, information regarding the process of policy determination is lacking.
9.06 Controlling Communications
While the PDC apparently published two non-daily newspapers, there is no information concerning circulation or the level of party control.
9.07 Administering Discipline
No information
9.08 Leadership Concentration
4, AC3
While the party leader seems to have commanded considerable authority, other party leaders were influential in policy formation. Cornejo, polar, and Correa are mentioned as important PDC leaders.

Coherence Variables, 10.01-10.06
10.01 Legislative Cohesion
.90, AC3
Although information is incomplete, PDC legislators probably voted en bloc on most issues. The party was in the minority legislative opposition during the Prado years. In 1963, the AP-PDC coalition held a minority of the legislative seats.
10.02 Ideological Factionalism
5, AC5
The PDC was apparently torn by factionalism. Cornejo was a leader of the party's liberal or radical wing, and polar, with Correa, led the conservatives. Neither group seems to have created a formal organization of its own during our time period. A split occurred in 1967 when polar and Lima's Mayor Bedoya Reyes formed the Partido Popular Christiano, but this came after our period of study. The PPC included approximately one-third of the PDC membership.
10.03 Issue Factionalism
1, AC3
Issues probably were debated by party leaders. Most disputes most likely arose along ideological lines.
10.04 Leadership Factionalism
1, AC3
The ideological factions of the PDC clearly followed the leadership of Cornejo, on the one hand, and Polar, Correa, and (later) Bedoya Reyes, on the other. However, the personalistic basis of the followings is unclear. It seems likely that these leaders were the most prominent men of each ideological camp and did not create the factions personally.
10.05 Strategic or Tactical Factionalism
5, AC3
The conservative-liberal division in the PDC was probably due to strategical and tactical concerns as well as ideological differences. Under the leadership of Cornejo and the liberal wing, the PDC rejected an offer of coalition with the AP, and, apparently, cooperated in some manner with the communists. In 1963, after Cornejo's defeat and Correa's assumption of PDC leadership, and two years after turning down the offer of alliance, Correa and the conservative wing accepted Belaunde's offer of coalition. In 1965, Cornejo , again party leader, partially withdrew PDC support of the more conservative Belaunde government and broke with Belaunde completely in 1967.
10.06 Party Purges
0, AC3
There is no evidence of a PDC purge during our time period.

Involvement Variables, 11.01-11.06
11.01 Membership Requirements
No information
11.02 Membership Participation
No information
11.03 Material Incentives
0, AC3
There is no reason to believe that more than a few PDC militants were motivated by material incentives.
11.04 Purposive Incentives
3, AC3
The PDC, a strongly ideological party, probably motivated most of its militants through purposive incentives.
11.05 Doctrinism
1, AC3
The PDC is said to have occasionally referred to the Papal Encyclicals of Pope John XXIII.
11.06 Personalism
0, AC3
The PDC, in a nation dominated by personalistic parties, appears to have not motivated many militants by personalism. The party claims no leader of great charismatic character. Cornejo may have motivated a few militants, but even these would have probably been small in number.