The "ac" code is for "adequacy-confidence"--a
data
quality measure ranging from 0 (low) to 9
(high)
Party name and code number
Ecuadorian Radical Liberal Party, 353
Partido Liberal Radical, PLR
Institutionalization Variables,
1.01-1.06
1.01 year of origin and 1.02 name changes
1878, AC8
0, AC9
The Radical Liberal Party of Ecuador was founded on September
8, 1878, by General Ignacio de Veintimilla. The Radical Liberal
Party was referred to in this manner throughout the literature.
While its Spanish name was El Partido Liberal Radical, it was
often referred to as simply the Liberal Party.
1.03 organizational discontinuity
7, AC9
In the elections of 1947, the Radical Liberals split into two
major groups, called the regulars and the dissidents. In 1952, two
Radical Liberal factions again appeared, one called
Radical-Liberals, and the other called the authentic
Liberals.
1.04 leadership competition
16. AC9
Regarding the Liberals' presidential candidates at election
time as the top Party leaders, we find leadership shifts from
Chiriboga Villagomez in 1952 to Raul Clemente Huerta in 1956, to
Galo Plaza Lasso in 1960. It appears that these men were selected
as the Party candidates following Party conventions akin to the
American models.
1.05 legislative instability
Instability is .20, AC7
The Radical Liberals enjoyed more stability in their
legislative representation than any of the parties in Ecuador did.
It fluctuated from a low of 11 percent of the seats in 1950 and
1951 to a high of 31 percent after the 1956 elections.
1.06 electoral instability and strength
Instability is .12, AC7
Only in 1952 did the Liberals have a candidate mainly of their
own, which was Chiriboga Villagomez. In 1956 the Liberals joined
with Socialists and independents to support Clemente Huerta, and
in 1960 they joined with a Socialist faction to support Galo
Plaza. Because of the weakness of the Socialists, however, most of
the vote for these candidates can be interpreted as Liberal. The
percentage figures for these elections, respectively, were 19, 27,
and 23.
Governmental Status Variables,
2.01-2.07
2.01 government discrimination
0 for 1950-56, AC3
0 for 1957-62, AC3
The literature does not discuss governmental behavior with
reference to the Liberal Party, and it appears that the Party
neither enjoyed favoritism nor suffered repression with any
consistency during our time period, which saw the Liberals in and
out of power.
2.02 governmental leadership
0 out of 1 for l950-56, AC9
0 out of 6 for 1957-62, AC9
There is some question about the Liberals' claim to the
presidency during the first part of our time period. Although it
is said that many Liberals supported Galo Plaza Lasso, who won the
1948 election and served until 1952, he was actually the candidate
of the hoch coalition. The Liberal Party, in coalition with the
Socialists, had a candidate of its own in the person of Alberto
Enriquez. Not counting Plaza, the Liberals could not claim the
government during our time period.
2.03 cabinet participation
3 out of 7 for 1950-56, AC6
0 out of 6 for 1957-62, AC4
There were Liberal members present in the cabinet of President
Galo Plaza Lasso. They remained there until Plaza's term ended in
1952. It was not evident from the literature whether or not there
were Liberal members in successive presidential cabinets.
2.04 national participation
5, AC9
The Radical Liberal Party is commonly portrayed as a regional
Party whose strength in the coastal area counter-balances the
Conservative stronghold of the sierra. But an analysis of
presidential election returns by region discloses that regionalism
is not so pronounced for the Liberals. In 1952, in fact, the
Liberals drew 30 percent of their vote from the coast, which also
contributed 30 percent of the total vote. In 1956 and 1960,
however, they received 57 and 53 percent of their vote from the
coast, which then contributed 44 and 46 percent of the total.
2.05 legislative strength
Strength is .19 for 1950-56, AC1, and .23 for 1957-62,
AC0
The Radical Liberals enjoyed more stability in their
legislative representation than any of the parties in Ecuador did.
It fluctuated from a low of 11 percent of the seats in 1950 and
1951 to a high of 31 percent after the 1956 elections.
2.06 electoral strength
Strength is .23 for 1950-56, AC8, and .23 for 1957-62,
AC6
Only in 1952 did the Liberals have a candidate mainly of their
own, which was Chiriboga Villagomez. In 1956 the Liberals joined
with Socialists and independents to support Clemente Huerta, and
in 1960 they joined with a Socialist faction to support Galo
Plaza. Because of the weakness of the Socialists, however, most of
the vote for these candidates can be interpreted as Liberal. The
percentage figures for these elections, respectively, were 19, 27,
and 23.
2.07 outside origin
11. AC4
It is known that the Liberal Party was founded by General
Ignacio de Veintimilla, who appears to have been a general because
of his command of forces fighting in opposition to the
Conservative government at the time. Thus, it would seem that his
status is best characterized as a leader of an outlawed
organization. Our information file does not contain enough
historical material to clarify his status or to code this variable
with much confidence.
Issue Orientation Variables, 5.01-5.15
5.01 ownership of means of production
-1, AC3
The Radical Liberal Party defends the principle of private
ownership of land and other forms of property.
5.02 government role in economic planning
1, AC6
The Radical Liberal Party was very interested in the
development of trade and industry in Ecuador. It also believed in
the improvement of agricultural techniques.
5.03 redistribution of wealth
2, AC7
The Liberal Party sought to initiate agrarian reform by
combating the system of large-landed estates in Ecuador. To do
this, it tried to implement an equal distribution of land among
the landless and the expropriation of uncultivated lands for the
benefit of agricultural families.
5.04 social welfare
3, AC6
The Radical Liberal Party was in favor of many social reforms.
It advocated worker's low cost housing and prison reform.
5.05 secularization of society
3, AC9
The Radical Liberal Party believed strongly in the separation
of church and state. It introduced secular education in Ecuador,
and its primary object for many years has been to combat the
political dominance of the Roman Catholic Church.
5.06 support of the military
AC1
No information.
5.07 alignment with east-west blocs
-5. AC3
The Radical Liberal Party was avowedly antiCommunist. Its
Party doctrines and its actions were more favorable to the United
States.
5.08 anti-colonialism
-1, AC4
In 1953, Eduardo Salazar, leader of the Radical Liberal Party,
expressed the need for foreign investors in Ecuador. The Liberals
wanted to attract foreign capital into their country in order to
expand their economy.
5.09 supranational integration
AC1
No information.
5.10 national integration
AC1
No information.
5.11 electoral participation
5, AC6
Free suffrage was one of the guiding principles of the Radical
Liberal Party.
5.12 protection of civil rights
5, AC5
The Radical Liberal Party advocated protecting the civil
rights of the Indians in Ecuador by protecting them against
alcoholism and religious exploitation. It was opposed to the fact
that the Ecuadorian masses were kept in ignorance and sought to
improve their lives.
5.13 interference with civil liberties
-3. AC6
The Radical Liberal Party was the first to introduce freedom
of expression in Ecuador.
5.14 / 5.15 us--soviet experts left-right ratings
US says 1, Conservative
Soviets say 1, the leadership of the Party is increasingly
moving away from the progressive meaning of the principles of the
Party program of 1923. The Party expresses the interests of the
commercial-financial interests of the city of Guayaquil, the
largest economic center of the country.
Goal Orientation Variables, 6.01-6.55
6.00 open competition in the electoral process
3.5 for 1st half, AC7
4 for 2nd half, AC7
The Radical Liberal Party generally relied upon open
competition in the electoral process. In 1950, it began preparing
candidates to run for office in the 1952 election. In 1951, one
section of the Party wished to combine Forces with the
Concentration of Popular Forces in a program to take over the
government by a revolutionary coup, thus indicating disruptive
techniques.
6.10 restricting party competition
0, AC5
Galo Plaza Lasso took all possible precautions to insure free
elections in 1952. He attempted to keep them orderly even though
opposition forces were building up around him. But, in 1956, the
Liberals attempted to keep the Conservative, Camilo Ponce
Enriquez, from being installed in the office of president, by
joining with other parties in opposition activities.
6.20 subverting the political system
.5 for 1st half, AC5
0 for 2n0 half, AC5
The literature did not specifically mention that the Radical
Liberal Party ever engaged in subversive political activities, but
it can be inferred from other information that it did not. It
relied almost entirely upon open competition with some incidents
indicating that it sometimes restricted competition among the
various parties.
6.30 propagandizing ideas and programs
6.31--AC1
It was not evident from the literature whether or not the
Radical Liberal Party operated any mass communications media.
6.32--0, AC3.
The Radical Liberal Party was not known to have operated any
Party schools.
6.33--2, AC6.
From time to time, the Radical Liberal Party would formally
endorse certain Party principles. Examples of these principles
were religious freedom and the condemnation of imperialism.
6.34--1, AC3.
The Radical Liberal Party published papers in 1961 of its
belligerent opposition to the government of Velasco Ibarra.
6.50 providing for welfare of Party members
AC1
No information.
Autonomy Variables, 7.01-7.05
7.01 sources of funds
AC1
There is no information on the source of funds for the Radical
Liberal Party.
7.02 source of members
5, AC3
There is no information about a social organization as a
source for Liberal members. We do know that in
certain geographical areas (i.e. the coast) membership appears
to be almost automatic. I hesitate to code
this variable on this information alone, because it describes
the traditional Liberal stronghold and no other regions, and
because it does not directly define any social groups.
7.03 sources of leaders
2 (sectors 04, 05), AC8
Liberal leaders are generally from the coast, the traditional
source of business in Ecuador. Commercial interests have not been
the only source of Liberal leaders. There appear to be many
professional men in the leadership ranks, as well.
7.04 relations with domestic parties
5 for 1st half, AC8
5 for 2nd half, AC5
The general trend in Liberal policy during our time period is
to ally with the Socialists in what appear to be parliamentary
coalitions. These alliances are to be distinguished from
governmental coalitions, which are short-term cabinet coalitions.
The Liberals also participated in one example of a governmental
alliance, that of the Plaza Lasso regime in 1950-1952. Generally
the other regimes were of a more anti-Liberal philosophy.
7.05 relations with foreign organizations
5, AC5
The Liberal Party of Ecuador apparently never belonged to the
Liberal international.
Organizational Complexity Variables,
8.01-8.07
8.01 structural articulation
7. AC6
The National Assembly and the Supreme Junta are the national
organs of the Radical Liberal Party. The members of the Assembly
are chosen by the provincial juntas (3 from each province, making
51 delegates), and the 7 members of the Junta are elected by the
National Assembly. The Assembly fulfills a function parallel to
the national conventions of the United States' Democratic and
Republican parties--they nominate the candidate for president and
vice-president and determine national strategy and tactics. The
Junta is the working committee; it represents the Party in all
national political matters, determines the strategy when the
Assembly is not in session. Is a liaison with members in congress,
and can call special sessions of the National Assembly.
8.02 intensiveness of organization
4, AC5
The parish junta is the lowest position in the Liberal
hierarchy. Although the parish is not defined in terms of the
number of voters, it would appear that the parish is comparable to
a ward.
8.03 extensiveness of organization
5, AC6
The Liberal Party has traditionally been strongest in the
coastal region, being linked with trading and banking interests.
This is especially evident in the number of parish juntas that are
working entities in this area as compared with the rest of the
country (especially the sierra, the traditional Conservative
stronghold). But it would be a mistake to consider the coastal
area as the only area of Liberal strength. The Liberals have
extended their organization throughout the country and have been
trying to strengthen their position in other areas.
8.04 frequency of local meetings
AC1
There is no information on the frequency of local
meetings.
8.05 frequency of national meetings
AC1
There is no information of the number of meetings the National
Committee generally has. It would appear that the Supreme Junta
would meet frequently due to its many duties (e.g., representing
the Party, Liaison to Party members in congress, and control of
lower units). But the total lack of data hinders any coding for
this variable.
8.06 maintaining records
1, AC3
The Liberal Party publishes its views in newspapers that are
pro-Liberal. There is no further information about membership
lists (although it does not appear that the Liberals have any, as
is the case with the other parties) nor about archives.
8.07 pervasiveness of organization
AC1
There is no evidence in the data about the organization of
different societal sectors into ancillary groups. The possibility
of such organization still exists. The lack of information may be
a fault of the data.
Organizational Power Variables, 9.01-9.08
9.01 nationalization of structure
5, AC6
The Supreme Junta is the organ which controls the lower units
in the Liberal hierarchy. It issues the directives to the
provincial (next lower) junta which acts upon them, but does not
seem to issue any directives of its own.
9.02 selecting the national leader
3, AC6
The Liberal National Assembly selects the presidential
candidate (as in the Democratic and Republican conventions of the
US). The presidential candidate is the national leader who
generally represents the Party. No other national leaders, nor
their selection, are defined in our data collection.
9.03 selecting parliamentary candidates
4, AC6
The provincial junta nominates the PLR candidates for the
two-chambered legislative body of the Ecuadorean government, the
Senate and the Chamber of Deputies. This provincial junta also
selects the provincial council candidates.
9.04 allocating funds
AC1
There is no data in our collection describing the PLR
allocation of funds.
9.05 formulating policy
5, AC6
I would tend to view the development of Liberal strategy and
tactics as a duty of the National Assembly. The Supreme Junta does
have the authority to act on the strategy of the Party when the
National Assembly is not is session. But the bulk of the strategic
policy is formulated by the National Assembly. It should be noted
that this is the broader policy orientation of the Party, not
necessarily the actions.
9.06 controlling communications
AC1
There is no data relating to the level of communications
control of the Liberal Party.
9.07 administering discipline
AC1
There is no information dealing with the level of organization
that administers discipline.
9.08 leadership Concentration
2, AC5
The presidential candidate, as the Party leader, is the most
publicized spokesman for the Liberal Party, but the Supreme Junta
is the real power behind him. Generally the leading spokesman of
the Party are the two or three persons attempting to capture the
Party nomination for president plus the director general (acting
leader) of the Party. These persons, symbols of the Party, depend
upon the power and support of the Supreme Junta.
Coherence Variables, 10.01-10.06
10.01 legislative cohesion
AC1
There is no information relating to legislative cohesion among
Liberal Party members. Factions within the Party are not further
described in terms of their effects on legislative behavior. Nor
are coalitions between various parties described in such
terms.
10.02 ideological factionalism
AC1
There is no information given about ideological differences
within the Liberal Party during our time period.
10.03 issue factionalism
3, AC8
Among the politically conscious, i.e., those affected or
affecting the ruling powers of the Party at any level, factions
develop relating to political issues during our time period. These
factions do not appear to have any formal organization. We must
consider these small factions. It appears that generally these
divisive tendencies do not affect the common Liberal Party member
(to whom being Liberal is equated with being Ecuadorean).
10.04 leadership factionalism
4, AC3
It appears that leadership contests are competitions among the
ruling elites. No factionalism occurs as a result of this
competition, rather there is the delegation of leadership as a
protest, as during the 1952 election campaign when two factions
each nominated candidates, or during the 1962 dissension
concerning the Arosemena regime.
10.05 strategic or tactical factionalism
3, AC8
There is argument about strategy in relation to the issues at
hand. It appears that issues and strategy have been a combined
cause of the factions. These are termed small factions as
described in the literature. The dissension occurs among the
leaders of the Party or those who have power in the Party, not
among most Party members.
10.06 party purges
0, AC6
There is no evidence of any purges of the Liberal
membership.
Involvement Variables, 11.01-11.06
11.01 membership requirements
AC1
There is no information defining membership requirements for
the Liberal Party.
11.02 membership participation
AC1
There is no division described in our data collection which
would correspond to the levels of membership participation defined
by this variable.
11.03 material incentives
AC1
There is no information relating to material incentives of the
Liberals.
11.04 purposive incentives
AC1
There is no information on the militants, nor on purposive
incentives.
11.05 doctrinism
0, AC3
The vague ideology/philosophy of the Liberal Party is still
based on an anti-church stance, even though the Liberal philosophy
of separation of church and state was incorporated into Ecuadorean
law long ago. There does not appear to be any particular doctrine
to which the Party members subscribe.
11.06 personalism
0, AC3
Personalism would not seem to have a place in the structured
organization of the Liberal Party.