The "ac" code is for "adequacy-confidence"--a
data
quality measure ranging from 0 (low) to 9
(high)
Party name and code number
Ecuadorian Conservative Party, 352
Partido Conservador, PC
Institutionalization Variables,
1.01-1.06
1.01 year of origin
and 1.02 name changes
1875,
AC6
0, AC9
The Conservative
Party was the oldest political party in Ecuador. Although the
beginnings of the Conservative Party were evident throughout the
nineteenth century, it did not actually form its own political
program until the death of its leading exponent, Garcia Moreno, in
1875. From its inception in the nineteenth century until the end
of our time period, the Conservative Party of Ecuador retained its
same name.
1.03 organizational
discontinuity
12, AC6
Although generally
stable throughout its long history, the Conservative Party seems
to have suffered two splits during our time period. Following the
1952 elections, there appears to have been a minor split. With the
regular party confronted by a 'classic' Conservative Party
faction. Before the 1960 elections, a more important split
occurred, when the Social Christian group within the party
organized more clearly as an entity on its own.
1.04 leadership
competition
16. AC9
Leadership within
the Conservative Party might be likened to that within American
parties. At least seven people were named as director general,
president, supreme director, or national chairman during our
period. Manuel Flores Dijon even held the position for four years
in a row. But like the position of national chairman within
American parties, this post appears to be essentially
administrative within the Conservative Party of Ecuador. And what
comes closest to effective leadership is likely to issue from the
party's presidential candidate at election time. According to this
viewpoint, the party leadership shifted from Ruperto Alarcon
Falconi, the Conservative candidate in the 1952 election, to Canto
Ponce Enriquez--who was the winning candidate in the 1956
election--to Gonzalo Cordero Crespo, who lost in 1960. But note
that Ponce was considered as a Social Christian before the
Conservatives adopted him as their candidate. However, this is not
unlike the Republicans adopting as their candidate in 1952, Dwight
Eisenhower, who was considered a possible candidate of the
Democrats before he declared his party preference.
1.05 legislative
instability
Instability is .26,
AC7
Strength is .26 for
1950-56, AC7, and .33 for 1957-62, AC8
The Conservative
legislative delegation reached a low of 17 percent of the seats
following the 1954 election and a high of 49 percent following the
1958 election.
1.06 electoral
instability
Instability is .12,
AC8
Strength is .29 for
1950-56, AC9, and .22 for 1957-62, AC7
Because election
returns for the congressional elections were difficult to obtain,
the electoral strength and instability of the Conservative Party
are based on its showing in the three presidential elections
during our time period. The Conservative candidate in 1952,
Alarcon Falconi, received 31 percent of the vote, which was the
best showing in the three elections. But Ponce Enriquez, with only
28 percent of the vote, won in a close race in 1956. In 1960,
Cordero Crespo slipped even further to about 22
percent.
Governmental Status Variables,
2.01-2.07
2.01 government
discrimination
0, AC7
There is no
extensive discussion of governmental policies toward the
Conservative Party in our information file. Acts of
discrimination. If they occurred either in favor or in opposition
to the party, were probably consistent in either direction nor
severe in application, for the party was both in and out of
governmental power during our time period. Hence, the net effect
is judged to be essentially nil.
2.02 governmental
leadership
1 out of 7 for
1950-56, AC9
3 out of 6 for
1957-62, AC9
Camilo Ponce
Enriquez was elected president of Ecuador in 1956 as a candidate
of the Conservative Party and the popular alliance coalition, and
he served until the end of his term in 1960.
2.03 cabinet
participation
1 out of 7 for
1950-56, AC5
4 out of 6 for
1957-62, AC8
Under the
presidency of Ponce Enriquez, the Conservatives were well
represented in the cabinet. Although Ponce Enriquez himself held
the interior ministry in Velasco's government, it appears that he
was not a representative of the Conservative Party at the time, so
the party's score for the first part of our time period cannot be
higher. Its score in the second part is composed of three years
under Ponce and one year of cabinet participation under Arosemena,
who assumed the presidency following Velascoís exile in
1961 with a coalition cabinet that included the Conservatives
.
2.05 legislative
strength
Instability is .26,
AC7
Strength is .26 for
1950-56, AC7, and .33 for 1957-62, AC8
The Conservative
legislative delegation reached a low of 17 percent of the seats
following the 1954 election and a high of 49 percent following the
1958 election.
2.06 electoral
strength
Instability is .12,
AC8
Strength is .29 for
1950-56, AC9, and .22 for 1957-62, AC7
Because election
returns for the congressional elections were difficult to obtain,
the electoral strength and instability of the Conservative Party
are based on its showing in the three presidential elections
during our time period. The Conservative candidate in 1952,
Alarcon Falconi, received 31 percent of the vote, which was the
best showing in the three elections. But Ponce Enriquez, with only
28 percent of the vote, won in a close race in 1956. In 1960,
Cordero Crespo slipped even further to about 22 percent.
2.06 national
participation
4, AC9
The Conservatives
run much stronger in the sierra or highland region than along the
coastal areas, receiving 86 percent of their vote from the sierra
in 1952, 85 percent in 1956, and 79 percent in 1960. The average
deviation of percent voting support for the Conservatives from the
sierra, coastal, and sparsely populated eastern region in
comparison to the voting electorate for each region was 16, 21,
and 22 percentage points respectively for each of the three
elections.
2.07 outside
origin
4, AC7
While the roots of
the Conservative Party go back to the dictatorship of Gabriel
Garcia Moreno, a written constitution, party documents, and
participation in elections did not take place until after Garcia's
assassination in 1875. Governmental officials and followers of
Garcia subsequently organized the party.
Issue Orientation Variables, 5.01-5.15
5.01 ownership of
means of production
5, AC6
In 1957, the
Conservative government sought to dismantle government monopolies
in state owned railroads, match, alcohol, salt, and cigarette
monopolies. As the Conservative's leader, Camilo Ponce Enriquez
handed these monopolies over to private ownership. He was an
outspoken exponent of free enterprise in Ecuador.
5.02 government
role in economic planning -
1, AC4
The literature is
scanty concerning the economic policies of the liberals. There is
no suggestion of favor for government planning and some indication
of opposition. When Ponce became president. For example, the
government response to the economic conditions was attraction of
private capital from foreign investors while reducing government
programs and expenditures.
5.03 redistribution
of wealth -
3, AC8
The Conservatives
felt that there existed an innate right to private property. The
party favored the traditionally conservative landowners located in
the sierra region of Ecuador.
5.04 social
welfare
3, AC4
The Conservatives
have never been noted for social welfare programs. Although Ponce
announced at the beginning of his term that he would bring social
reforms and seek to raise the standard of living of the Indian
population, this concern appears to have been idiosyncratic, and
little progress along these lines was made during the time his
Conservative Party was in power.
5.05 secularization
of society -
5, AC9
Since its
conception, the Conservative Party had close ties with the Roman
Catholic church in Ecuador. The two were often thought of as one
and the same, and in all elections, the Conservatives were
strongly backed by the church. The clergy consistently increased
its participation in political affairs, advocating union of church
and state in political life.
5.06 support of the
military -
3, AC9
While the
Conservatives advocated keeping a minimum of armed forces to
guarantee the structure of the state, the two did not always see
eye to eye. Since the Conservatives actively supported taking away
the vote from the military in the constitution of 1946, the armed
forces were consistently against rule by the Conservatives in
Ecuador.
5.07 alignment with
east-west blocs -
5, AC8
Because of the
anticlericalism inherent in the communist party, the Conservatives
were strongly anti-communist.
5.08
anti-colonialism -
3, AC8
As leader of the
Conservative Party, Ponce Enriquez welcomed foreign investors into
Ecuador in order to develop the natural resources in his
country.
5.09 supranational
integration
3, AC9
The Conservatives
encouraged economic federation with other countries, welcoming
foreign investors to develop natural resources, agriculture and
industry. It established political ties with countries near its
border in a scheme to form again what used to be known as Gran
Colombia. While this federation was never established, it was an
issue in many political campaigns.
5.10 national
integration
3, AC6
The Conservative
Party exhibited nationalizing tendencies when it sought to
incorporate the Indians of Ecuador into the national
economy.
5.11 electoral
participation
1, AC9
The party doctrine
of the Conservative Party advocated universal suffrage, with sex
and citizenship not being discriminated against. Yet, the
Conservatives supported withholding the vote from the military,
who were traditionally liberal voters.
5.12 protection of
civil rights
AC1
No
information.
5.13 interference
with civil liberties
3, AC7
Camilo Ponce
Enriquez, leader of the Conservative government, was often
criticized for cracking down too hard on the press, closing
newspapers, and jailing editors. Under President Velasco Ibarra,
as minister of the interior, Ponce clamped down hard on the press
and used police powers with a strong hand. But, when he ran for
president in 1956, he promised a free press and insisted that it
was Velasco's orders which had caused his past repressive
actions.
5.14 / 5.15
US--Soviet experts left-right ratings
Us says 1,
Conservative
Soviets say 1,
reflects the interests of the Latifundists, the clergy, and the
bourgeoisie. Closely tied to American monopolies.
Goal Orientation Variables, 6.01-6.55
6.00 open
competition in the electoral process
3.5,
AC7
While the
Conservative Party was generally oriented toward open competition,
at times it functioned in a disruptive manner. In 1952, the
Conservatives would not agree to forming a coalition cabinet under
Galo Plaza Lasso, greatly weakening Plaza's position and that of
the government. In 1960, it was accused of attempting to overthrow
the Velasco government.
6.10 restricting
party competition
0, AC8
Although the
literature did not state that the Conservative Party never engaged
in restricting opposition parties, it can be assumed from other
information that it did not. Rather, it relied mostly on open
competition.
6.20 subverting the
political system
.5, AC3
At times the
Conservative Party engaged in opposition activities against the
government in power. It would not aid Galo Plaza Lasso in 1952 by
joining a coalition cabinet, thus stabilizing the government.
There were also accusations against the party in 1960 of an
attempt to overthrow the government.
6.30 propagandizing
ideas and program
6.31--0,
AC3.
While it was slated
in the literature that conservative oriented newspapers were
published, it was not said whether or not they were run by the
Conservative Party.
6.32--0,
AC3.
It was not
mentioned whether or not the Conservative Party ran any party
schools. It is assumed that they did not.
6.33--2,
AC3.
The Conservative
Party was known to publish various resolutions and platforms which
were generally restatements of practices dictated by generations
of usage.
6.34--1,
AC3.
In 1962, the
Conservative Party issued a statement of support for the military
junta which overthrew the government.
6.50 providing for
welfare of party members
AC1
No
information
Autonomy Variables, 7.01-7.05
7.01 sources of
funds
AC1
No
information
7.02 source of
members
5 (sector 06),
AC6
The Conservative
Party is the strongly pro-Catholic party in Ecuador. Favoring
unity of church and) state. It appears that during our time
period, the Catholic hierarchy and clergy were active supporters
of this party. They gave individual support, as well as recruited
other members through church organizations. This church-influenced
membership is probably a significant minority in the Conservative
Party. Other members appear to be affiliated with the party on the
basis of family tradition and/or region.
7.03 sources of
leaders
1 (sector 05),
AC6
Traditionally the
Conservative Party leaders hive been landowners, members of the
established upper class. Throughout our time period, high social
status continued to be a recognized characteristic of leadership
(the old guard) in the party. The one example of an attempted
change in this tradition by the 1952 nomination of an 'upstart'
presidential candidate resulted in a split.
7.04 relations with
domestic parties
5, AC7
The Conservative
Party participated in many alliances with the Social Christians,
Arne, and the Velasquistas during our time period. These alliances
are not well documented in our data, but appear to have been based
on agreements of the groups involved as a front against communism.
The government coalitions of the Ponce regime are used as a means
of balancing and maintaining the party's power, following the
general trend of cabinet coalitions in Ecuador. Ponce had been a
Social Christian leader before he was elected on the Conservative
ballot. And his status in the Social Christian party afterwards is
unclear. We have not counted his term as president as involving a
governmental alliance between the Conservative and Christian
Democratic party, but this judgment is not firm.
7.05 relations with
foreign organizations
5, AC3
There is no
evidence of any relations that the Conservative Party had with any
supernational organizations. But it is important to once again
note that the Conservative Party does have relations with the
church that are not considered to be ordinary by some authors.
Linke sees this relationship as one of dependence to the church
and the pope's word. There is no evidence of this fact besides the
similarity in philosophy. The party apparently did not belong to
the Christian Democratic Organization of America during our time
period.
Organizational Complexity Variables,
8.01-8.07
8.01 structural
articulation
7, AC6
The two national
organs of the Conservative Party are the General Assembly and the
General Directorate. The General Assembly is composed of 72
members (4 representatives from the party's organs in each of the
17 provinces and 1 delegate from each university). Its job is to
nominate Conservative candidates for president and vice-president,
determine the general policy and strategy of the party with
reference to national issues and to elect the members of the
General Directorate. The General Directorate is composed of 7
members and presided over by the Director General. Their duties
include instruction of lesser organs and affiliates of the
Conservative Party in their duties and tactics. Calling emergency
sessions of the General Assembly and serving as the liason between
the party and its affiliates in the government.
8.02 intensiveness
of organization
4, AC5
The parish junta is
the most intensive level of organization of the Conservative
Party. There is no reference to the number of persons in the
parish, or any explanation as to the actual area of the
parish--but it appears that the parish defines a unit smaller than
a municipal area, probably that of the ward type in our
categories.
8.03 extensiveness
of organization
5, AC6
There are parish
juntas throughout the country, although they are often weak in
traditionally liberal strongholds such as the coastal region. The
Conservative Party strength is in the sierra region, and I would
imagine that this area would have more and stronger local groups.
The Conservatives made a concerted effort in the late 1940's and
early 1950's to strengthen their organization throughout
Ecuador.
8.04 frequency of
local meetings
3, AC6
The parish juntas
meet at least once a year. There is no further information about
emergency meetings or about the frequency of meeting more than
once a year.
8.05 frequency of
national meetings
AC1
Our data does not
nave any information about the number of meetings that the
directorate of the Conservative Party holds each year.
8.06 maintaining
records
0, AC3
It does not appear
that the Conservative Party has any organized means of maintaining
records. It is stated by N. Written in "Class, Kinship, and Power
in an Ecuadorian Town" that there are no membership lists
maintained. The information about the other parts of this variable
is more sketchy. The right-wing newspaper does not appear to be a
vehicle for Conservative propaganda, although its views may be
sympathetic to those of the Conservative Party. There is no
information given about the maintenance of a party archive, but I
have chosen to interpret this lack as reflecting a lack of
archives.
8.07 pervasiveness
of organization
10, AC7
The ancillary
organizations having relations with the Conservative Party are
church dominated socioeconomic groups (artisans, worker
associations) or the religious actors themselves. This is a
by-product of the church support of the Conservative Party. These
church institutions were not organized by the party to further its
power, nor were they controlled by the party, but the party
organization is aided by the relationship.
Organizational Power Variables, 9.01-9.08
9.01
nationalization of structure
5, AC5
The General
Directorate 'instructs lesser organs and affiliates of party
duties' (Blanksten). There is a discernible hierarchy in the party
from national to provincial to cantonal to parish level. Each
level coordinates the next lesser level's activities. Or at least
reports its activities to the higher level (i.e. the provincial
directorate coordinates the cantonal activities and reports to the
General Directorate.)
9.02 selecting the
national leader
3, AC6
The information in
our data collection refers only to the selection of the
Conservative presidential candidate, not to other party leaders.
The presidential and vice-presidential candidates are nominated by
the General Assembly.
9.03 selecting
parliamentary candidates
2, AC6
The provincial
assembly nominates the party's candidates for the National Senate
and Chamber of Deputies.
9.04 allocating
funds
AC1
There is no
information about the allocation of funds in the Conservative
Party.
9.05 formulating
policy
5, AC6
The Conservative
General Assembly determines the party's general policy and
strategy in national issues.
9.06 controlling
communications
0, AC3
There is no
information about control of communication systems by the
Conservative Party, besides reference to right-wing newspapers or
periodicals in which they may advertise or share similar
opinions.
9.07 administering
discipline
AC1
There is no
information about the administration of discipline in the
Conservative Party.
9.06 leadership
concentration
3, AC5
The `old guard' of
the Conservative Party generally forms the core for the leadership
of the party. Its members dominate the General Directorate in
membership and in philosophy.
Coherence Variables, 10.01-10.06
10.01 legislative
cohesion
AC1
There is obvious
dissension within the ranks of the Conservative Party, but there
is no information about the effect that it has on the activities
of members in the legislature.
10.02 ideological
factionalism
4, AC5
Arne and Social
Christians are not defined as factions of the Conservative Party
or as separate parties during our time period. If we view them as
factions or splits, which is especially possible with the Social
Christian party, we are still faced with the problem of
determining their size. I tend to view these parties/factions as a
small proportion of the party, representing the extreme
philosophies of fascism and liberal Social Christianity in the
Conservative Party. I draw this conclusion from my impressions of
a considerably large membership in the Conservative Party due to
its traditional status in Ecuador, with the factions/splits being
basically small numbers of the politically active and aware
members organizing into a group.
10.03 issue
factionalism
1, AC5
Again, we must make
the assumption that the Social Christians and Arne and the
Conservatives are linked. As this appears to be probable, it is
important to note that the national issues are debated with some
sort of consensus, compromise, or exchange of favors as the
outcome of debate which is supported by these parties/factions in
a combined effort.
10.04 leadership
factionalism
1, AC5
There do not seem
to be any factional divisions developing from leadership
competition, although opposition among leaders is documented. The
one group (Movimento Patriotico Popular) that is mentioned in
terms of leadership factionalism during the Ponce campaign by one
source is later referred to as a supporter of Ponce by another
source. Since I cannot solve this discrepancy, I cannot code this
information in this variable.
10.05 strategic or
tactical factionalism
0, AC3
There is no
evidence of strategic factionalism or discussion in the
Conservative Party.
10.06 party
purges
0, AC9
There were no purges within the Conservative Party from
1950-1962.
Involvement Variables, 11.01-11.06
11.01 membership
requirements
AC1
There is no
information about Conservative Party membership
requirements.
11.02 membership
participation
AC1
There were no
descriptions relating to the levels of activity of Conservative
membership during our time period.
11.03 material
incentives
2, AC3
There is no
information about material incentives within the Conservative
Party, but the party did enjoy governmental participation and some
presence of materialism is assumed.
11.04 purposive
incentives
AC1
There is no
information defining Conservative militants as regarding the party
as a means to reach future goals defined by the party.
11.05
doctrinism
1, AC3
The available
information implies that a certain body of Conservative Party
literature qualifies as a type of doctrine. This literature
combines two trends in conservative philosophy, Catholicism and
the idealization of Garcia Moreno. The literature, basically the
writings of Garcia Moreno, is referred to on occasion.
11.06
personalism
0, AC3
There is no
reference to personalism in the modern Conservative Party in our
data collection. The present-day party developed from a group
first united under Garcia Moreno, but there appears to be no
widespread reliance on personalism as a motivating force for
militants in the Conservative Party.