The "ac" code is for "adequacy-confidence"--a
data
quality measure ranging from 0 (low) to 9
(high)
Institutionalization
Variables, 1.01-1.06
.01 Year of Origin and 1.02 Name
Changes
1910, ac7
2, ac7
Most writers fix the origin of the Liberal
Party as 1944, when Robert Menzies reorganized the various
elements of the United Australia Party into a more coherent
anti-Labour opposition. But the party roots certainly go back to
1909, when the anti-Labour groups fused into a liberal opposition,
proclaimed the Liberal Party in 1910. In 1917, essentially the
same group of activists renamed themselves the Nnationalist Party.
In 1931, the Nationalists became the United Australia Party. Upon
the opening of Parliament in 1945, members of the United Australia
Party in Pparliament recorded the change of their party
affiliations to liberal.
1.03 Organizational
Discontinuity
1, ac7
Along with its name change from United
Australia Party in 1944, the Liberal Party picked up new activists
in its reorganization, especially as it promoted new organizations
in some states. This influx of new activists is counted as a minor
merger in our coding.
1.04 Leadership Competition
8, ac5
The literature in our file does not discuss
at any length the major leaders of the party before it was
reorganized in 1944 by Robert Menzies. One source does identify
W.A. Holman from 1916-20 and B.S.B. Stevens from 1932-39 as
outstanding leaders of the forerunners of the Liberal Party.
Therefore the leadership changed hands at least twice before 1950,
although the processes of change are not clear. From 1944
throughout the end of our time period, Menzies remained the leader
of the party.
1.05 Legislative Instability
Instability is .08 , ac7
The Liberal Party held its lowest
representation in 1961 and 62 at 37 percent and its highest
representation from 1956 to 1960 when it held 47 percent of the
seats. Like the other Australian parties the Liberals enjoy
relatively stable representation.
1.06 Electoral Instability
Instability is .05, ac9
Legislative elections were held in 1951, 54, 55, 58, and 61. The
Liberal Party received its lowest percentage of the vote in 1961
with 34 percent and its highest in 1951 and 1955 with 40
percent.
Governmental Status Variables,
2.01-2.07
2.01 Government
Discrimination
0 for 1950-56, ac9
0 for 1957-62, ac9
This Party has been in power for the entire
period, but there is no evidence that it retains this power due to
any attempt to discriminate against the other parties. It competes
vigorously with the other parties in elections on an equal
basis.
2.02 Governmental Leadership
7 out of 7 for 1950-56, ac9
6 out of 6 for 1957-62, ac9
The Party was in power for the entire time
period.
2.03 Cabinet Participation
7 out of 7 for 1950-56, ac9
6 out of 6 for 1957-62, ac9
The Liberal Party, in coalition with the
Country Party, was in power for the entire time period. Menzies
chose his cabinets from his party with some country party
members.
2.04 National Participation
5 for 1950-56, ac9
5 for 1957-62, ac9
The Liberal Party relied upon the country
party for election victories in some rural areas of
Australia.
2.05 Legislative Strength
Strength is .44 for 1950-56, ac7 and .44
for 1957-62, ac7
The Liberal Party held its lowest
representation in 1961 and 62 at 37 percent and its highest
representation from 1956 to 1960 when it held 47 percent of the
seats. Like the other Australian parties the Liberals enjoy
relatively stable representation.
2.06 Electoral Strength
Strength is .40 for 1950-56, ac9 and .35
for 1957-62, ac9
Legislative elections were held in 1951,
54, 55, 58, and 61. The Liberal Party received its lowest
percentage of the vote in 1961 with 34 percent and its highest in
1951 and 1955 with 40 percent.
2.07 Outside Origin
4, ac7
A group of anti-Labor members in Parliament, called the (Liberal)
Fusion (Group), was the forerunner of the Liberal
Party.
Issue Orientation Variables, 5.01-5.15
5.01 Ownership of Means of
Production
3 for 1950-56, ac9 -
1 for 1957-62, ac9
When the Liberals began their rule in 1949,
they were an anti-Labor, anti Socialist party. Both their program
and practice described their Party's opposition to government
ownership, in principle. While in office, a number of Commonwealth
holdings were sold to private industry, and the Government clearly
favored private enterprise in its policies. However, by 1962, the
regime had accepted some government ownership in program and in
practice and merely opposed any further
nationalization.
5.02 Government Role in Economic
Planning
2, ac9
Although seeming to prefer the private to
the public answer to economic problems, the government has rarely
hesitated to step in and take an active role in economic planning.
Some examples of this active role include embargoes, subsidies,
taxation and price fixing.
5.03 Redistribution of Wealth
1, ac3
Generally the Liberal Party had no
commitment to the redistribution of wealth. Between 1950 and 1955
taxes on industry and private individuals were both raised and
lowered, indicating no connection with a policy of redistribution
or no redistribution. Between 1956 and 1962, there seems to have
been a stabilization in taxation.
5.04 Social Welfare
4, ac9
While in power, the Liberal Party
continually expanded the social welfare programs. The programs
were widespread and comprehensive. Both compulsory and voluntary
programs existed.
5.05 Secularization of Society
0, ac6
The information found for our time period
indicated an ambiguous relationship between the Liberal Party and
Church privilege. The Liberal Party would not take a stand on the
local level concerning state aid to church schools by subsidy or
busing. Liberals tended to make vague comments concerning this
aid, and then referred the question to a commission or committee.
Promises of state aid to education were finally made in
1963.
5.06 Support of the Military
2, ac3
This code is not well documented. The
Liberal Party differed more with the Labor Party on the issue of
conscription than on the allocation of resources. Our consultant
reports that labor was opposed to conscription for overseas
service, but favored universal duty. The defense budget of the
Liberal Government in 1962 was 2.8 percent of the GNP, and the
party was more likely to promote defense than was
Labor.
5.07 Alignment with East-West
Blocs
5, ac9
Australia belonged to SEATO and had an
unqualified association with the United States in international
affairs from 1949-1964. This included a promise of military
support from Eisenhower in 1955.
5.08 Anti-Colonialism
1, ac8
The maintenance of historical ties with the
British Commonwealth was always a prime factor in Menzies' foreign
policy. In practice, the importance of connections to the
commonwealth, especially to Britain, faded over the course of our
time period, as the U.U. became increasingly essential to
Australia n defense.
5.09 Supranational Integration
0, ac8
Except for concern about regional defense,
Menzies and the Liberal Party showed remarkably little awareness
of or interest in the possibilities of other forms of Southeast
Asian regional organization. The 1950 Colombo Plan was basically a
program for Australian aid to the area, not interaction with the
area. Holt, who succeeded Menzies as the leader of the Liberal
Party, showed far more interest in the possibilities of
supranational organization in the area, as shown in the formation
of the Asian and South Pacific council. However, this occurred in
1966, considerably after our time period.
5.10 National Integration
1, ac8
The literature often stated that the
Liberal Party strived to maintain the federal system.
5.11 Electoral Participation
2, ac7
The party's ideals were strongly
egalitarian, but in practice this was not always true. For
example, the Aborigines were not enfranchised until 1962. The
explanation for this restriction was that the Aborigines, who
numbered less than 50,000, were incompetent to vote.
5.12 Protection of Civil Rights
3, ac7
The Liberals sided with the other major
parties in a policy limiting immigration, or a large portion of
it, to whites only, the "white Australia policy."
5.13 Interference with Civil
Liberties
1, ac7
The Liberal Party instituted a dual radio
TV system with government owned and private stations competing. An
equal time rule for political speakers supposedly existed, but the
Liberals sought to ban the Communist Party from access to the
media and even sought authority through a 1951 referendum (which
failed) to legislate against Communists or Communism.
The Liberal Party relied entirely on open
competition to gain power. It led the government for the entire
time period, but only in coalition with the country party.
Sometimes the senate majority was held by the Liberal Party plus
the country party.
6.10 Restricting Party
Competition
0, ac9
Although the Liberals were in the position
of power, they do not attempt to restrict party competition. They
did attempt to outlaw the Communist Party, but were not granted
the power by the states and were then defeated in a national
referendum. The Communist Party, however, is not a real political
threat to the Liberals as it does not have any concentrated
strength to win seats. It is more a matter of ideological
differences than political threat.
6.20 Subverting the Political
System
0, ac9
It would be paradoxical to say that the
Liberals would try to subvert the national government, because
they were in control during the entire time period. There is also
no suggestion that they attempted subversion on the local
level.
6.30 Propagandizing Ideas and
Program
6.31--2, ac9. The "Australian Liberal" was
the official organ of the party. Local branch papers and magazines
were published. No party operated a radio or TV
station.
6.32--0, ac6. Although the young Liberals
in New South Wales and Victoria ran speaking classes and
discussion groups, this was the exception, not the
rule.
6.33--2, ac9. The Liberal Party platform
was revised by a party conference or council, not usually kept
current. Resolutions were passed by the state and inter-state
councils and taken into consideration by the Policy Committee in
formulating official party policy.
6.34--2, ac9. Position papers were
generally published during elections. A position paper of sorts
that was always published was the platform speech of the candidate
in the general election. It was published by the mass
media.
6.50 Providing for Welfare of Party
Members
0, ac9
There was no evidence of any Liberal Party provision for the
social welfare of its members.
Autonomy Variables, 7.01-7.05
7.01 Sources of Funds
3 (sector 04), ac8
Although donations were not accepted from
professional organizations or trade associations, it seems that
the major part of the party's income is derived from donations
from individual firms and from party members in business,
industry, and commerce.
7.02 Source of Members
5, ac9
The Liberal Party will accept anyone as a
member who subscribes to the Party Constitution and pays the fee.
There are no indirect members.
7.03 Sources of Leaders
2 (sectors 03, 04) for 1950-62,
ac9
More than two thirds of the Liberal Party
leaders are drawn from the professional and business
sectors.
7.04 Relations with Domestic
Parties
3, ac9
The Liberal Party has been the stronger
partner in a federal coalition with the Country Party for the
entire period. The Liberals needed the Country Party, but their
position steadily strengthened. Cooperation was explicit on the
national level andtacit when there was cooperation on the local
level.
7.05 Relations with Foreign
Organizations
5, ac5
Although there were no relevant sources, from extensive reading it
is clear that the Liberal Party was purely national and not
affiliated with any international organization. It did not belong
to the Liberal International.
Organizational Complexity Variables,
8.01-8.07
8.02 Intensiveness of
Organization
4, ac9
The branch was the basic unit of party
organization.
8.03 Extensiveness of
Organization
5, ac7
The branches were organized geographically,
with more branches in populated areas. Liberal Party organization
was undeveloped in those rural areas where the Country Party was
strong.
8.04 Frequency of Local
Meetings
3, ac9
According to the information found in our
data collection for the second half of our time period, the common
frequency of local meetings was once or twice per year. Although
no data was found for the first half of the period, there is no
reason to believe that this number was not the same as in the
later period.
8.05 Frequency of National
Meetings
2, ac8
The Federal Council met annually, while the
Executive Committee met more often during the duration of the
year.
8.06 Maintaining Records
8, ac9
The Liberal Party expended some energies
publishing propaganda, maintained a Secretariat of sorts that
serves as a research unit, and tried to maintain a list of party
members however inadequate and inaccurate.
8.07 Pervasiveness of
Organization
3, ac9
The Liberals had many active youth and women's branches. These
were definitely under party control, although they maintained a
great deal of autonomy. The function of these groups was more
social than political.
Organizational Power Variables, 9.01-9.08
9.01 Nationalization of
Structure
3, ac7
The party structure reflected the federal
structure of the country, and the state organizations were
important forces in the Party.
9.02 Selecting the National
Leader
4, ac9
The leader of the party in power is the
Prime Minister. Since Robert Menzies held this office for the
entire period, he also remained the party leader. Technically, the
leader was elected by the Parliamentary Members of the
Party.
9.03 Selecting Parliamentary
Candidates
4, ac9
For the most part, candidates were chosen
by a selection committee on the regional level.
9.04 Allocating Funds
3, ac8
Fund raising went on at all levels of the
Party. Some money was transferred from local branches to state and
national organizations. The local branch was expected to raise its
own maintenance and election expenses. The national organization
allocated funds mainly in national campaigning.
9.05 Formulating Policy
6, ac9
Although the Parliamentary Party Members
made use of standing policy committees and the council passed
resolutions concerning policy, the ultimate power rested with the
Parliamentary Party Leaders.
9.06 Controlling Communications
3, ac9
It appears that the official party organ,
"The Australian Liberal," was published by the New South Wales
branch of the Party without being subject to censorship. Local
branches also published their own campaign literature and
newsletters.
9.07 Administering Discipline
0, ac9
Disciplinary measures were seldom used
within the Party, especially with regard to Parliamentary Party
Members. Different levels of the Party had the power to administer
discipline, but seldom exercised it.
9.08 Leadership Concentration
6, ac9
The leader of the Party for the entire period was Robert Menzies,
Prime Minister. He was responsible to the Party to a certain
extent, but had great freedom in articulating party
policy.
Coherence Variables, 10.01-10.06
10.01 Legislative
Cohesion
.90, ac5
Figures were not available, but the
literature indicated that the Members of Parliament, although not
pledged to do so, usually maintained a great deal of
cohesion.
10.02 Ideological Factionalism
0, ac7
There seem to have been no clearly
organized or definable ideological factions during the
period.
10.03 Issue Factionalism
1, ac6
Although there were not many direct
statements, the literature indicated that unlike the ALP, the
Liberal Party had been relatively free of factional tendencies
promoted by disagreement over particular issues.
10.04 Leadership Factionalism
0, ac8
Menzies was the only leader during the
entire period. There was no major leadership factionalism on the
federal level.
10.05 Strategic or Tactical
Factionalism
1, ac8
There was no indication that disagreement
among party leaders over strategy or tactics ever prompted
factional tendencies, although the subject was open to
debate.
10.06 Party Purges
0, ac9
There were no mass expulsions of leaders or members during our
period.
Involvement Variables, 11.01-11.06
11.01 Membership Requirements
3, ac9
The new member must fill out an application
and pay a fee.
11.02 Membership Participation
0, ac9
Although there was an increase in activity
at election time, the majority of party members seemed to be
nominal.
11.03 Material Incentives
Ac1
Insufficient information.
11.04 Purposive Incentives
1, ac3
Strong anti-Labor sentiment was behind the
formation of the Liberal Party, and some militants probably
reflect its force.
11.05 Doctrinism
0, ac9
The Liberal Party has a platform and a
constitution, neither of which are kept up to date or referred to
often. Menzies himself said "we have no doctrinaire political
philosophy."
11.06 Personalism
0, ac7
Although the party was reorganized and led by Robert Menzies for
the entire period, it appears that success for the Liberals came
through his abilities as a politician to appeal to interests
rather than through any charismatic qualities. Personalism has not
played any particular role. This explanation is not accepted,
however, by a few dissenting opinions.