Path: Table of Contents > Essay on Party Politics > Party 002
United States Republican Party, 002
Variables and Codes for 1950-1962
For descriptions of the variables and codes, see these links to Political Parties: A Cross-National Survey
Governmental Status
Issue Orientation
Goal Orientation
Organizational Complexity
Organizational Power
Organizational Coherence
Membership Involvement
The "ac" code is for "adequacy-confidence"--a data quality measure ranging from 0 (low) to 9 (high)
1.01 year of origin and 1.02 name changes
1854, ac9
0, ac9
Writers generally agree in fixing the date of the origin of the Republican Party in 1854, following the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Act which permitted slavery to be established in the Northwest Territory. Several communities, including Jackson, Michigan, and Ripon, Wisconsin, claim to be the birthplace of the Republican Party as they hosted anti-Nebraska protest meetings which backed candidacies of anti-slavery candidates in the 1854 Congressional elections. A national convention was held in 1856 to nominate a Republican candidate for the presidential election. The Republican John C. Fremont, a former Democratic senator, ran second to the Democratic candidate James Buchanan, but the party had quickly become established as a major party. There have been no name changes throughout the party's existence. (Jones, 1965--4-6. Sundquist, 1973--65-74)
1.03 organizational discontinuity
0, ac9
There were no splits or mergers in the Republican Party at the national level during our time period.
1.04 leadership competition
16, ac9
The closest phenomenon to leadership in the Republican Party comes before presidential elections and is exhibited by the party's presidential candidate, who is chosen in a party convention. Thomas E. Dewey had led the Republicans to defeat in the 1944 and 1948 presidential elections. In a spirited contest for the Republican nomination in 1952, General Dwight D. Eisenhower defeated Robert A. Taft and then won the presidency. Eisenhower was renominated in 1956 and re-elected president. Richard Nixon led the party in 1960 but lost the election.
1.05 legislative instability
Instability is .10, ac9
The Republican Party won control of the House of Representatives only once during our time period, which coincided with the first two years of the Eisenhower administration. The remainder of the time, the Republicans were always the minority party in the house, as well as in the senate.
1.06 electoral instability
Strength is .48 for 1950-56, ac9 and .45 for 1957-62, ac9
There were seven elections for the House of Representatives during our time period. The Republican percentage of the vote ranged from a low of 43 in 1958 to a high of 49 obtained on three different occasions--1950, 1952, and 1956.

2.01 government discrimination
1, ac9
The Republicans, like the Democrats, benefit from state laws which award a place on the ballot to parties which had received certain percentages of the vote at previous elections. Both parties are thus favored by the electoral system, which forces new parties to petition for positions on the official ballot, and petition processes are notoriously complicated and frustrating.
2.02 governmental leadership
4 out of 7 for 1950-56, ac9
4 out of 6 for 1957-62, ac9
Eisenhower, a Republican, was president from 1953 through 1960, having been elected for two successive terms in 1952 and 1956.
2.03 cabinet participation
6 out of 7 for 1950-56, ac9
6 out of 6 for 1957-62, ac9
Robert Patterson, Secretary of War from 1945 to 1947, was a Republican in the Democratic administration of Harry Truman, but this was before our time period. During our time period, however, Robert A. Lovett (Republican) was Secretary of Defense under Truman for two years, beginning in 1951. Naturally, the Republicans dominated the cabinet during the eight years of the Eisenhower administration. Two Republicans (Douglas Dillon as Secretary of Treasury and Robert McNamara as Secretary of Defense) were also in the otherwise all Democratic cabinet of John Kennedy for the last two years of our period.
2.04 national participation
5, ac9
If the United States is divided into four geographic regions--east, central, south, and west--the composition of Republican Party identifiers deviates from the population distribution across regions by an average of 5.8 percentage points in 1952 and 6.0 points in 1960. If the country is divided into eight rather than four regions, however, the average deviation drops to 3.5 for 1952 and 3.1 for 1960. Because the Republican Party had a special difficulty in penetrating the south during our time period, the cruder division was used in scoring the party on this variable.
2.05 legislative strength
Strength is .47 for 1950-56, ac9 and .40 for 1957-62, ac9
The Republican Party won control of the House of Representatives only once during our time period, which coincided with the first two years of the Eisenhower administration. The remainder of the time, the Republicans were always the minority party in the house, as well as in the senate.
2.06 electoral strength
Strength is .48 for 1950-56, ac9 and .45 for 1957-62, ac9
There were seven elections for the House of Representatives during our time period. The Republican percentage of the vote ranged from a low of 43 in 1958 to a high of 49 obtained on three different occasions--1950, 1952, and 1956.
2.07 outside origin
8, ac7
The Republican Party was born out of a series of meetings of anti- slavery forces called to protest the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Act of 1854 . These meetings had a grass-roots character about them, as some were held in local schools and halls outside the major cities. Leaders and members of local Democrat, Whig, and Free Soil parties joined together in fusion groups, some in which immediately adopted the Republican label while others took a little longer. In any event, the Republican Party was a spontaneous reaction to events and did not come about by inspired leadership of one or a few outstanding individuals. (Jones1965--5. Sundquist, 1973--65-66. Binkley, 1962--206-208).

5.01 ownership of means of production
3, ac9
Republicans have consistently opposed the establishment of federal "_ valley" authorities, such as TVA, and have stood against federal governmental ownership of power facilities built in connection with such projects. Indeed, the party has continually worked to restore power developments to private enterprise. In addition, the party has supported the free enterprise system in common carrier transportation, and it has opposed the federal government's claim to oil in the tidelands off state coasts. (Harris, 1962--12)
5.02 government role in economic planning
2, ac9
The Republican Party opposes governmental planning in principle, and it has been true to its principle in most instances. Thus Republicans have opposed federal spending policies to accelerate growth in preference for the spurs of private initiative and investment. The 1952 platform opposed price and wage controls and the 1956 platforms praised the elimination of controls under a Republican administration. Specifically in the area of agriculture, the Republicans favored more flexible price supports than did the Democrats. On the other hand, Republicans have tended to accept economic planning under certain circumstances, and they specifically favored the role of the Federal Reserve System in controlling the economy and credit. (Porter and Johnson, 1966)
5.03 redistribution of wealth
2, ac8
The Republican program has advocated the reduction of taxes for low and middle income groups, but the party has backed legislative measures that have given even more favorable treatment to higher income groups. Thus Republicans have sought to cut taxes on stock dividends, have favored regressive sales and property taxes at local levels, and opposed increased corporation taxes. (Harris, 1962--154)
5.04 social welfare
1, ac9
Republican Party platforms in 1952 and 1960 emphasized the individual's responsibility to care for himself and opposed obligatory health insurance programs. Nevertheless, the party accepted the social security program once enacted and even suggested extending coverage of its provisions, although specific proposals extending such coverage were not pushed.
5.05 secularization of society
1, ac9
The first amendment of the U.S. Constitution enjoins Congress from making laws for the establishment of religion or prohibiting its free exercise. The Supreme Court has interpreted the "due process" amendment to the constitution as applying the first amendment to the states also, and virtually all of the Court's decisions upholding the latter have concerned state, and not national action. Congress, however, has taken actions which have given symbolic support to religion in general. In 1952, it memorialized the president to proclaim an annual day of prayer. In 1954, the phrase "under god" was inserted into the pledge of allegiance. In 1955, the phrase "in god we trust" was prescribed for all currency and coins. In 1956, the same phrase was adopted as the national motto (Van Alstyne, pp. 866-868). These actions received bipartisan support in the Congress and usually did not elicit a roll call vote. Some conflict appeared in the Congress in 1966, however, over a proposed constitutional amendment allowing prayer in public schools, with Republicans voting heavily for the measure, 27 to 3 (CQ Almanac, 1966, p. 516). On the other hand, Republicans have been more likely to invoke the separation of church and state in opposing bills to aid education which would indirectly finance catholic parochial schools.
5.06 support of the military
5, ac9
During the last years of Truman's administration, the Republicans took a moderate posture towards defense spending, urging in their 1952 platform only that our military services be "adequately supported" to defend the country and meet treaty obligations. Under Eisenhower however, the military budget assumed more importance to the party. By 1960, the Republican platform stated "that there is no price ceiling on American security."
5.07 alignment with east-west blocs
5, ac9
The Republicans and Democrats did not differ on this issue. Both parties saw the United States leading western Europe and the so-called "free world" in cautious confrontation with the USSR and the "communist bloc."
5.08 anti-colonialism
2 for 1st half, ac7
-1 for 2nd half, ac7
The U.S. was involved in neo- colonial relationships with a variety of countries during our time period. The Latin American countries taken together will provide the reference group for coding this variable. Republicans had fewer inhibitions about shaping the domestic politics of Latin American countries than did Democrats. Eisenhower's Secretary of State, John Foster Dulles, became especially concerned about communism in Guatemala and its possible export to other Latin American nations. In 1954, the CIA sponsored an invasion of Guatemala by Guatemalan exiles which succeeded in bringing down the leftist Arbenz government. The 1956 Republican platform praised "the expulsion of the communist regime ruling Guatemala." By 1958, however, a shift in policy under Eisenhower could be detected. The U.S. withdrew its opposition to the establishment of an inter-American development bank, which lessened the importance of private capital in Latin American development. In 1960, the U.S. Also followed OAS policy by withdrawing support of the Trujillo dictatorship in the Dominican Republic. (Gil, 1971-- 209-221)
5.09 supranational integration
3, ac7
Republican platforms pledged support of the United Nations, but the UN was valued for its role in collective security and not as a supranational entity. On the issue of economic union, Republicans consistently have favored higher tariffs rather than free trade, although the difference between the parties eroded somewhat during the Eisenhower administration.
5.10 national integration
1, ac9
Especially in comparison with northern Democrats, Republicans in Congress tended to oppose policies which would increase the power of the federal government at the expense of the states.
5.11 electoral participation
5, ac9
The civil rights act of 1957 was specifically concerned with the right to vote--especially as it had been denied negroes in the south. Although this act emerged during the Eisenhower administration, it was sponsored by Attorney General Herbert Brownell and drew mixed feelings from others in the administration, including Eisenhower. Nevertheless, the Republicans in Congress tended to support legislation to insure universal suffrage.
5.12 protection of civil rights
4, ac9
Republican platforms repeatedly called for an end to racial discrimination. While the actions taken by the party to eliminate discrimination were not as strong as its platform statements, Republicans in Congress tended to give greater support to civil rights legislation than did Democrats.
5.13 interference with civil liberties
1, ac8
Republicans did not give as much attention to the matter of civil liberties and freedom of expression in their platforms as did the Democrats. Moreover, the party's record shows a greater readiness to interfere with freedom of expression when national security was threatened. Thus, the Republicans gave almost unanimous support to the establishment of a subversive activities control board in 1950, and during the Joseph McCarthy era, Republicans lined up more solidly in support of administration security measures.
5.14 / 5.15 U.S.--Soviet experts left-right ratings
U.S. says nothing
Soviets say 1, one of two parties of monopolistic capital in the USA. After the civil war, the party became a reactionary party of the upper bourgeoisie and a supporter of large monopolies.

6.00 open competition in the electoral process
4, ac9
During our time period, the Republicans subscribed completely to a strategy of winning office through electoral competition.
6.10 restricting party competition 0, ac9
During our time period, Republicans eschewed illegal activities directed against the Democratic Party. The types of activities involved in the Watergate affair, however, may have altered our code if they had occurred during our period of interest.
6.20 subverting the political system 0, ac9
Subversion had no place in the Republicans" strategy during our period.
6.30 propagandizing ideas and program
6.31--0, ac9.
The Republicans operated no mass communications media as a party, but much of the nation's press had Republican orientations.
6.32--0, ac9.
Republicans organized workshops in several cities, but they had nothing which could be called a party school.
6.33--1, ac9.
The Republican convention enacted a party platform every four years.
6.34--1, ac9.
The Republicans would occasionally publish small books or pamphlets that espoused the party's principles, but the publishing program was not large.
6.50 providing for welfare of party members
6.51--0, ac9.
With the demise of machine politics, the party rarely undertook the provision of food, clothing, or shelter.
6.52--0, ac9.
The party dispensed patronage but did not run employment services.
6.53--2, ac9.
Party connections were often important in cutting red tape.
6.54--0, ac9.
The Republicans operated no general education schools.
6.55--0, ac9.
Apart from occasional picnics or tea socials, the Republicans did not function in a major way to provide recreation for its members.

7.01 sources of funds
1 (sector 04), ac6
Heard's data on financing the 1952 presidential campaign discloses that 45 percent of the expenditures by national-level committees of the Republican Party was contributed by individuals who gave sums of $500 or more (p.20, p.47). Most of these large contributors within the Republican Party had backgrounds in business or commerce--specifically banking and manufacturing. Approximately 90 percent or more of the contributions by officials of the nation's largest businesses were madpublicans candidates (p.104). While Heard reports that a smaller percentage of contributions came from gifts of $500 or more, the business backgrounds of the donors remained largely the same.
7.02 source of members
6, ac9
There are no formal requirements for membership in the Republican Party, certainly not at the national level.
7.03 sources of leaders
3 (sector 03), ac9
Considering the Republican members of the House of Representatives as the referent group of party leaders for comparison with other countries, we find in 1952, 1954, 1958, and 1961 that approximately 50 percent of the Republican members of the house are lawyers and about 40 percent say they are in business. If one considers convention delegates instead, as did McKeough and Bibby in 1964, the proportion of lawyers drops to about 20 percent and businessmen rise to about 33 percent (p.83).
7.04 relations with domestic parties
7, ac9
The Republican Party operates largely independently of other parties across the nation. In certain localities, however, the party may find its candidates backed by other parties, particularly conservative ones.
7.05 relations with foreign organizations
5, ac9
The Republicans are not affiliated with any international party organization.

8.01 structural articulation
10, ac9
There are four main components in the Republican Party's national organization--a convention which meets every four years to select the party's presidential candidate, a national committee which meets between conventions, a House Campaign Committee, and a Senate Campaign Committee. The Republican convention is smaller than the Democrats but is still large--growing from about 1,200 in 1952 to 1,300 in 1960. During our time period, delegates to the convention were selected in a variety of ways. Ranney and Kendall report that about 38 percent of the Republican delegates were picked by state and territorial conventions, 14 percent by district conventions, 44 percent by primaries, and only 3 percent by state and territorial committees (297). The party also uses a variety of methods to choose national committeemen. Sorauf finds that 48 percent are chosen by state conventions, 32 percent by delegates to the national convention, 14 percent by the state central committee, and only 6 percent by primaries (p.116). The House Campaign Committee is composed of one representative from each state with Republican representation in the house, and the Senate Campaign Committee is chosen by the chairman of the party's caucus. While variegated in procedure, the selection processes are relatively clearly specified. Less clear, however, are the functional responsibilities of these committees and their interrelationships. The national convention has sole responsibility for nominating the party's presidential candidate, but its monopoly over the formulation of party policy is not as complete. The national committee seldom operates as a committee, and it has no authority over the house and senate committees, which are also independent of the national convention and of each other.
8.02 intensiveness of organization
5, ac7
Statistics concerning the various sizes and distribution of local party organizations in the United States are not readily available. It appears, however, that the Republican Party would parallel the Democrats and be organized mainly on the basis of precincts which encompass 1,000 or fewer voters.
8.03 extensiveness of organization
5, ac5
Information on extensiveness of organization, like that of the intensiveness of organization, is not good. But it would seem that the Republican Party during our time period would have less extensive coverage than the Democrats, particularly in the south, where Republican precinct organizations would be scattered at best.
8.04 frequency of local meetings
2, ac4
Republican precinct organizations, like their Democratic counterparts, are likely to meet only at campaign times.
8.05 frequency of national meetings
3, ac6
Cotter and Hennessy state that the Republican National Committee typically meets only twice a year. An executive committee of 15, commonly drawn from the membership of the whole committee but not so required, also meets infrequently, perhaps once or twice more per year (pp.36-37).
8.06 maintaining records
12, ac9
The Republican Party publication program varies according to campaign years, availability of funds, and orientations of staff members. A biweekly newsletter, "Battle Line," had a regular existence during our time period, and the party issued manuals for party leaders and workers. The party also publishes research reports and policy statements on an occasional basis. The research division of the Republican Party is far more active than its Democratic counterpart and produces work that has drawn acclaim from journalists and academics. The party certainly maintains lists of contributors for purposes of fund raising, but these lists are poor as membership lists.
8.07 pervasiveness of organization
3, ac9
The Republicans have a women's division and a National Federation of Republican Women. Cotter and Hennessy say that the national committee finances the women's division completely and about two-thirds the expenses of the NFRW office (p.152). A Young Republican National Federation became allied with the national committee in 1946 and has been financed by the committee since (p.155). The party has also had divisions to court the ethnic and minorities vote, but these sectors of the society were not associated to the party through ancillary organizations. Thus, the party's organization only penetrated to women and the youth, and only small proportions of both groups were involved in party activities.

9.01 nationalization of structure
3, ac9
The Republican National Committee, like its Democratic counterpart, consists of representatives of state party organizations and would appear to stand at the peak of an organizational hierarchy. But the national committeemen seldom command their own state organizations, having been chosen mainly for status in the party and frequently for financial support of the party. As a result, membership on the national committee connotes prestige rather than power. During our time period at least, state party organizations operated virtually autonomously of the national committee, and they were certainly independent of the House and Senate campaign committees. Even decisions of the national convention were frequently flaunted by state party organizations, some of whom enacted state platforms subsequent to that of the national convention and espoused contradictory policies.
9.02 selecting the national leader
3, ac9
For our purposes, the party leader is taken to be the party's presidential candidate rather than the chairman of the national committee, who is usually in fact appointed by the presidential candidate. The Republican Party's presidential candidate is named by an elaborate and tumultuous convention process involving thousands of delegates representing state party organizations. Excepting the situation which arises when an incumbent president seeks re-election, there are spirited contests for the party's nomination, and the choice is the subject of speculation for months in advance. This situation holds true for the Democratic Party also.
9.03 selecting parliamentary candidates
1, ac9
The national party organizations have no role to play in the determination of party candidates, who are typically named in direct primary elections usually open to all voters who profess to support the party. Once the nomination has been secured, Republican candidates can look to the Republican House and Senate campaign committees for financial help for their campaigns against Democrats. For example, McKeogh determined that in 1964 the Republican house committee distributed an average of $2,851 to each of 153 incumbents seeking re-election and $1,914 to each of 122 non-incumbent candidates from a field of 234 (p.20). Republican candidates running in competitive districts received most of the support. But these funds constitute only a fraction of the money needed to run a campaign in a competitive district, and money was available only after the nomination was won. Rare attempts at intervention by the president to oppose renomination of Senators or Congressmen of his own party who did not support his programs have failed more often than they have succeeded.
9.04 allocating funds
3, ac9
Enormous sums are required to finance electoral campaigns throughout the United States. Sorauf's compilation of the total estimated expenditures during the presidential campaigns of 1952 through 1960 shows a growth from $140 million to $175 million (p.311). Even in non-election years, however, the costs may run from 5 to 10 million dollars (Bone, p.393). The Republicans have circumvented the provisions of the Hatch Act of 1940, which limits income or expenditures of any single interstate committee to $3 million per year, with the establishment of a Republican finance committee, which coordinates fund raising for the Republican National Committee and the House and Senate campaign committees. As in the Democratic Party, state quotas were assessed during our time period to raise funds for the operation of the national committee. But because of the coordinating role of the Republican finance committee, the allocation and disbursement of funds within the Republican Party were judged to be somewhat more centralized. Departing from the strict operationalization of this variable, we are counting the finance committee as an intermediate "regional" committee in our scoring.
9.05 formulating policy
5, ac9
Policy-making within the Republican Party, as in the Democratic Party, is clearly subordinate to the task of selecting the presidential candidate. Every four years, the Republican national convention does adopt a party platform prior to nominating a candidate, but the nominee is free to interpret the platform to suit his campaign, selectively emphasizing and neglecting platform policies. An incumbent president who seeks renomination, moreover, can guide the platform formulation according to his interests. Nevertheless, party activists work for the adoption of acceptable policies within the platform and may not support the candidate if their interests are not served. Thus, Nixon's concern over Rockefeller's dislike of the conservative platform being formulated in 1960 led Nixon to influence its revision to gain Rockefeller's support. Throughout our time period, only the Republican national convention can be identified as the authoritative voice of party policy--as distinguished from presidential policy made by the Republican Eisenhower from 1953 through 1960. A Republican committee on program and progress was formed in 1959, following the Republican defeat in the 1958 Congressional elections, to apply Republican principles to problems of the day. It issued a policy statement later that year, but the importance of this committee as a policy-making body was far less than that of the Democratic advisory council in the other party.
9.06 controlling communications
0, ac9
The Republican National Committee published a magazine called "Battle Line," but this cannot be considered to be an important means of communication within the party. While most of the newspapers within the United States can be said to have had a Republican orientation, this was due to the philosophical inclinations of their publishers and not to any control exercised by the Republican Party.
9.07 administering discipline
0, ac9
The Republican Party has virtually no means to discipline those who deviate from party policy. No committee within the party is charged with responsibility for disciplining party deviance, and the party deviance, and the party organizations within the two houses of Congress steer clear of reprimanding members for voting against the majority of the party.
9.08 leadership concentration
1, ac9
As the party in control of the presidency for 8 of the 13 years in our time period, the Republicans might be regarded as being high in leadership concentration. However, presidential policies are not necessarily party policies, and presidential pronouncements are not necessarily regarded as party pronouncements. In the particular case of Eisenhower as the Republican president, moreover, no special effort was made to exercise leadership in party affairs. Thus, the Republicans experienced much the same situation of fragmented leadership as did the Democrats. The minority leaders in the House and Senate spoke out on party policy in competition with the chairman of the national Republican Party as well as with prominent senators and governors.

10.01 legislative cohesion
.70 for first half, ac6
.65 for second half, ac6
Turner and Schneier report data on the average cohesion of parties in the House of Representatives for selected years from 1921 through 1967 (p.21). In 1953, the Republicans had an average cohesion of .70 as measured by the rice index, and it was .65 in 1959.
10.02 ideological factionalism
5, ac9
The Republican Party, like the Democratic Party, has had a definite liberal-conservative division within it. To some extent, this division within the Republican Party had a geographical basis, with eastern Republicans tending to be more liberal than midwestern and western Republicans. The geographical basis of this alignment, however, was never as clear as the north-south division within the Democratic Party. Burns would characterize the division within the Republican Party as one between the conservative "Congressional wing " and the more liberal "presidential wing." During our period, these dual tendencies were not incorporated into any formal factional organizations.
10.03 issue factionalism
2, ac9
Long standing issues have not divided Republicans as they have Democrats. Civil rights, for example, has not been a basis for factionalism within the Republican Party. One issue that did retain some power to divide Republicans in Congress was that of internationalism-isolationism although Eisenhower's internationalism forced many erstwhile Republican isolationists to soft-pedal their criticism of American foreign policy during his presidency.
10.04 leadership factionalism
5, ac9
Leadership factions have been both more identifiable and durable within the Republican Party than within the Democratic Party. During the first part of our time period, Eisenhower supporters, who represented the more liberal "presidential wing" of the party, won out over the supporters of Senator Robert Taft. During the second part of the period, leadership factionalism centered around Senator Barry Goldwater (representing the conservative wing), Governor Nelson Rockefeller (representing the liberal wing), and then Vice-President Richard Nixon (representing the middle course).
10.05 strategic or tactical factionalism
1 for first half, ac9
2 for second half, ac9
As the minority party in the nation, Republicans tended to devote more attention to discussing how the next election might be won. In the second half of our time period, this discussion became more focussed, with Senator Goldwater speaking on behalf of those who thought that the party should become more distinctly conservative, which he felt would attract many citizens to the party who ordinarily did not vote because both the Democrats and the Republicans were too liberal.
10.06 party purges
0, ac9
The Republican Party experienced no purges and was incapable of carrying out any purges.

11.01 membership requirements
0, ac9
The Republican Party at the national level establishes no requirements for membership in the party. State party organizations per se also have no requirements for party membership. However, in approximately 35 states during our time period, participation in the Republican primary was closed to all voters who failed to meet some test of party affiliation. Typically, this test in such "closed primary" states was established by state law rather than party rules and applied to the Democratic Party as well as the Republicans. The test was administered in some states by the party, with which the voter had to register in advance of the primary election, and in other states by a challenge system, in which voters who requested a Republican ballot were open to challenge as to their party affiliation. Depending on the state, challenges could be met by the voter swearing that he had supported the party in the past, or supports it at present, or will support it in the future (Ranney and Kendall, p. 206). These legal requirements of party membership in closed primary states pertained mainly to the eligibility of the voter to participate in the primary election at hand and not to his participation in party activities generally. In the 15 or so "open primary" states, even these minimum tests were not present, and any voter could request a Republican ballot and vote for Republican candidates in the primary.
11.02 membership participation
0, ac9
Most "members" of the Republican Party are self-defined and do not participate in party meetings or engage in campaign activity.
11.03 material incentives
1, ac5
Research on incentives for party activists in the United States is still in the beginning stages. Researchers in the field have distinguished between incentives that draw the person into party work initially and those which serve to keep him active in the party. Conway and Feigert's study of precinct chairmen in Montgomery County, Maryland, and Knox County, Illinois, found that material incentives drew less than 10 percent of Republican chairmen to their jobs but served to sustain about 25 percent of the chairmen in their roles (pp.1166-1168). Gluck's data on committeemen in Buffalo, New York, showed that material incentives attracted about one-third of the Republican committeemen to their jobs but continued as the most important reward for only about one-quarter.
11.04 purposive incentives
1, ac5
In the same research discussed in variable 11.03, Conway and Feigert found that purposive incentives attracted about 75 percent of the Republican chairmen initially but that they continued to sustain only about 20 percent in their jobs. Gluck's data showed that purposive incentives recruited more than half of the Republican chairmen but that only about 30 percent looked to purposive incentives as a reason for staying in the job. In both studies, the importance of social contacts and solidary motivations increased for Republican officials following recruitment.
11.05 doctrinism
0, ac9
No identifiable body of material can be cited as the touchstone of Republican Party policy.
11.06 personalism
0, ac7
Eisenhower's campaigns in 1952 and 1956 were populated by many "citizens for Eisenhower" activists who worked primarily for his election rather than for the election of Republicans generally. Because these Eisenhower Republicans stayed largely aloof from Republican Party politics otherwise, they have not been included in scoring this variable. Nixon in 1960 did not seem to claim much personal allegiance from Republican militants, although he was their clear choice for the nomination.