The "ac" code is for "adequacy-confidence"--a
data
quality measure ranging from 0 (low) to 9
(high)
Party name and code number
Venezuelan Social Christian Party,
392
Paartido Social Christiano, or
Comite de Organizacion Political Electoral Independiente,
COPEI
Information base and
researchers
The information base for Venezuelan party
politics is 795 pages from 68 documents, with 188 pages or 24
percent pertaining to COPEI. Marcelino Miyares and Judy Newsome
Gillespie indexed the literature. Don Sylvan coded the variables
in clusters 1, 2, and 5 through 11.
Institutionalization Variables,
1.01-1.06
1.01 year of origin and 1.02 name
changes
1946, AC7
0, AC9
The party was founded in 1946, but it had
roots in a Catholic student opposition group active in the 1930's.
No name changes have occurred during our time period.
1.03 organizational
discontinuity
0, AC6
Although progressive and moderate wings
exist, the tensions between them do not appear to be nearly as
marked as the generational conflict that has racked the ad
party.
1.04 leadership competition
4, AC5
Caldera is often credited with founding
COPEI, but Del Corral was named first party president in 1946.
Caldera became president sometime thereafter but the circumstances
are not clear.
1.05 / 2.05 legislative instability and
strength
Instability is 1.17, AC7
Strength is .00 for 1952-57, AC7 and .13
for 1958-63, AC8
COPEI seemed not to hold any seats in Perez
Jimenez-appointed congress through 1957. After elections in the
second part of our period, COPEI representation grew from 14 to 22
percent of the seats.
1.06 / 2.06 electoral instability and
strength
Instability is 1.0, AC5
Strength is undefined for 1952-57, and .18
for 1957- 63, AC8
The COPEI vote is unavailable for the
questionable 1952 elections to the constituent assembly. In the
1958 and 1963 congressional elections, COPEI won 15 and 21 percent
of the vote respectively.
Governmental Status Variables,
2.01-2.07
2.01 government discrimination
15 for 1952-57, AC9
0 for 1958-63, AC6
During the first time period COPEI was
discriminated against and Caldera was arrested, but the party was
not outlawed and was allowed to participate in the aborted 1952
elections. After the Perez Jimenez regime was overthrown there
were free and honest elections. During this time period COPEI was
part of the government coalition.
2.02 governmental leadership
0 out of 6 for 1952-57, AC9
0 out of 6 for 1958-63, AC9
The party was forced to operate underground
until 1958 when Perez Jimenez was overthrown. Betancourt was the
leader of the country during the second half of our time period,
which was redefined to coincide with the end of the
dictorship.
2.03 cabinet participation
0 out of 6 for 1952-57, AC9
5 out of 6 for 1958-63, AC8
The party was outlawed throughout the first
time period. During the second time period, three COPEI members
participated in Betancourt's fifteen man cabinet.
2.04 national participation
4, AC5
In the 1958 election, COPEI received 39
percent of its vote from the Andes, with about 13 percent of the
population.
2.07 outside origin
5, AC5
Formed by Pedro Del Corral, Caldera,
Fernandez, Landaez, and Edecio la Riva Aravjo. Caldera had been in
the government when the party was founded. The presence of some
governmental officials among the founders produces the relatively
"inside" origin score.
Issue Orientation Variables, 5.01-5.15
5.01 ownership of means of
production
1 for 1st half, AC6
-1 for 2nd half, AC8
The party stands for more aid to private
enterprise and greater industrialization. COPEI supports greater
government participation in the oil income.
5.02 government role in economic
planning
AC1
No information
5.03 redistribution of wealth
3, AC9
The party was responsible for most of AD's
land reform policies, since the minister of agriculture was a
COPEI member.
5.04 Social welfare
3, AC6
COPEI pushed for family subsidy legislation
and maternity benefits.
5.05 secularization of society
3, AC6
COPEI believes in freedom of religion and a
strictly apolitical church, but like most Christian democrat
groups, the party favors state support of private
schools.
5.06 support of the military
1, AC3
The military has been traditionally
inclined toward COPEI as the least radical of the major parties,
but COPEI does not completely reciprocate the
affection.
5.07 alignment with east-west
blocs
3, AC6
Party stressed heavily its claim to be the
most determined and effective counterweight to
communism.
5.08 anti-colonialism
AC1
No information
5.09 supranational integration
3, AC5
Economic and political integration among
Latin American states is a major tenet of the COPEI. Specifically,
COPEI has sought solidarity with neighboring states.
5.10 national integration
AC1
No information
5.11 electoral participation
5, AC6
Introduction of popular vote was only
possible road to office for COPEI. Party called for free elections
in 1951.
5.12 protection of civil rights
AC1
No information.
5.13 interference with civil
liberties
3, AC6
The COPEI position on civil liberties is
inferred from the fact that it shared responsibility for programs
and action with the ad through the minister of justice, a COPEI
member, during the second half of our time period.
5.14 / 5.15 us--soviet experts left-right
ratings
U.S. says 3, non-communist left
Soviets say 1, represents interests of
landowners, upper bourgeoisie, church leaders.
Goal Orientation Variables, 6.01-6.55
6.00 open competition in the electoral
process
3.5 for 1st half, AC9
4 for 2nd half, AC9
Although the political atmosphere in the
country was not always conducive to elections, COPEI always stood
for a policy of open competition as its major goal. But COPEI did
not count on Perez's eventual defeat.
6.10 restricting party
competition
0, AC9
The party always opposed the restriction of
competition.
6.20 subverting the political
system
.5 for 1st half, AC9
0 for 2nd half, AC9
COPEI did not propose to subvert the
political system, but it cautiously participated in planning for
party competition following Perez's defeat.
6.30 propagandizing ideas and
program
6.31, 6.32, 6.33--AC1. No
information.
6.34--1 for 1st half, AC6 and 2 for 2nd
half, AC6. COPEI's publication program was restricted by the
government in the first part of our time period but was active in
the second half.
6.50 providing for welfare of party
members
6.51, 6.52, 6.54--0, AC3. None of these
activities is mentioned in the literature and it is assumed that
they do not exist.
6.53, 6.55--AC1. No
information.
Autonomy Variables, 7.01-7.05
7.01 sources of funds
7 for 1st half, AC4
7 for 2nd half, AC6
The bulk of the party funds come from
members' contributions, and officeholders are required to return
20 percent of their salaries to the party.
7.02 source of members
AC1
No information
7.03 sources of leaders
5, AC5
The leaders come from a wide variety of
backgrounds. According to one source, the party stands for breadth
of interest representation with the upper class being the one
Social sector lacking a voice. The leadership is basically middle
class, or slightly lower. Educational backgrounds run the gamut
from university professors to professional men to self-educated
labor leaders.
7.04 relations with domestic
parties
7 for 1st half, AC6
4 for 2nd half, AC9
There is a parliamentary coalition and
government participation in second time period. In first time
period there were no official links with other parties. In the
second time period coalition is with AD.
7.05 relations with foreign
organizations
3, AC9
COPEI sends representatives to and
generally follows the international Christian Democrats policy
line.
Organizational Complexity Variables,
8.01-8.07
8.01 structural articulation
7 for 1st half, AC4
7 for 2nd half, AC6
COPEI's organizational structure is similar
to AD and URD. There is a 500 member national convention which
meets annually to decide rules, policies, and candidates. This is
the top of the hierarchical structure. Strongest party organ is
the national committee. There is also a regional level, and local
level organizational structure.
8.02 intensiveness of
organization
5 for 1st half, AC4
5 for 2nd half, AC6
At the bottom of the organizational
structure there are village units which are established in every
village or locality where there are enough members to warrant
it.
8.03 extensiveness of
organization
5, AC3
This inference is made by combining the
statement--organismos de base are set up in every village or
locality where there are enough members to warrant it--with
electoral data for our time period.
8.04 frequency of local
meetings
AC1
No information
8.05 frequency of national
meetings
6 for 2nd half, AC6
Central executive committee meets
periodically, sometimes on a monthly basis. There is no
information for the first part of our time period.
8.06 maintaining records
AC1
No information
8.07 pervasiveness of
organization
10 for 2nd half, AC5
The party's labor and agrarian appeal is
growing, but still there are relatively few members. The score is
raised to 10 because of the great strength and importance of the
COPEI youth organization. There is no information for the first
half of our period.
Organizational Power Variables, 9.01-9.08
9.01 nationalization of
structure
5, AC3
This variable is coded chiefly on strength
of COPEI patterning after ad.
9.02 selecting the national
leader
3 for 2nd half, AC5
Municipal party members elect delegates to
district conventions, which elect delegates to state conventions,
which select delegates to national conventions, which choose party
leaders and top party candidates. It is not clear how the
selection process operated during the first part of our
period.
9.03 selecting parliamentary
candidates
AC1
No information
9.04 allocating funds
5 for 1st half, AC3
5 for 2nd half, AC6
Does not fit definition for score of five,
but is definitely between four and six. Funds are collected on
regional and national levels and distributed on all levels, with
the higher levels getting somewhat more money.
9.05 formulating policy
AC1
No information.
9.06 controlling communications
7 for 2nd half, AC6
The national committee is said to have
charge of the party publication. There is no information for the
first half of our period.
9.07 administering discipline
4 for 2nd half, AC6
The national committee can dissolve
leadership of regional and functional organizations and can assume
temporary command. There is no information for the first half of
our period.
9.08 leadership concentration
AC1
No information
Coherence Variables, 10.01-10.06
10.01 legislative cohesion
.90 for 1957-62, AC6
Source states that another circumstance
that can be considered special is the internal coherence of the
party, which prevented rival status seekers from leading segments
of the party into opposition.
10.02 ideological factionalism
0, AC3
COPEI apparently weathered its shift from a
conservative to center party without public debate of its
ideological stance.
10.03 issue factionalism
0, AC3
No standing issues seem to provoke
divisions within the party.
10.04 leadership factionalism
0, AC6
The only source with any relevant
information denies the existence of any leadership conflict within
the party.
10.05 strategic or tactical
factionalism
1 for 2nd half, AC3
There was some discussion over the
supportive role that COPEI played in Betancourt's government. Some
felt the party should have been in opposition. No information
exists on the first half of our period.
10.06 party purges
0, AC9
No splits or purges
Involvement Variables, 11.01-11.06
11.01 membership requirements
AC1
No information
11.02 membership participation
AC1
No information.
11.03 material incentives
AC1
No information
11.04 purposive incentives
2, AC3
The Christian philosophy is assumed to be
the main motivating force for about half of the
militants.
11.05 doctrinism
1, AC6
Papal encyclicals influence this Social
Christian party.
11.06 personalism
1, AC3
Caldera has clearly left his stamp on the
party, and one must suspect some personal following among the
militants.